Category: Texts

Letter of Panagiotis Giannos

“Liberty is indivisible; one cannot curtail a part of it without killing all of it.”

For the past month-and-a-half, I’ve been experiencing the “marvelous hospitality” of Greek prisons. My voyage began with an inexplicably lengthy stay in the dungeons of Rhodes, my next stop was the transfer office on Petrou Ralli Street in Athens, and I ended up (at least for now) in Alikarnassos Prison on the island of Crete. Although I’ve been inside for too short a period of time to make sweeping generalizations, I’d still like to contribute my limited experiences to this very important project of creating a publication exclusively dedicated to the words of prisoners themselves.

Conditions in the dungeons of Rhodes were literally inhuman. Nevertheless, to seek freedom is strongly instinctive, and I therefore longed to glimpse a sliver of sky through a window somewhere. But I soon learned that windows are considered a kind of luxury. The cells were very small, and it was a struggle to breathe because a number of people had to fit into just a few square meters. There wasn’t enough room to sleep, and apart from the stifling conditions, the mattresses were stained with the urine and excrement of drug addicts, thus posing an obvious risk of infectious disease. I myself, for example, managed to stay awake for 36 hours because I additionally had to withstand incessant interrogation. With all this, plus the summer heat and lack of ventilation, I think each one of you can easily imagine the tragedy of the situation. Of course, I expected nothing better with regard to food, and it didn’t take long to confirm my suspicions. The meal given to us once a day was impossible to eat. Exhaustion and malnutrition were everyday phenomena.

Like I said, the next stop was the transfer office in Athens. There I managed to see the people closest to me, and thus steel my courage for the days to come. To my ears, “a visit” sounded magical, and seeing my people was the most wonderful thing that could have happened to me at the time, given how important the support of comrades and relatives is for a prisoner.

Then I was suddenly transferred to Alikarnassos Prison. Conditions there were just as harsh, and this soon sparked a prisoner uprising. There are cells, like mine, in which there is no toilet, meaning that many prisoners sometimes go as long as 13 hours without being able to meet their basic physiological needs. The size of the cells is roughly 10 square meters. Within are two to three people plus about 40 cockroaches, not counting other insect species, which naturally don’t leave you or your food in peace, resulting in frequent fights that we prisoners seem to be winning, for now. In addition, the “competent authorities” often prohibit certain products, even essentials like toilet paper and underwear. And finally, the meals consist of vegetables that look like surplus from the German occupation, and maybe some meat that seems a bit fresher—we’re guessing from the Junta era.

In this kind of atmosphere, and because a prisoner almost died recently thanks to the usual negligence of the jailers, the Alikarnassos prisoners rebelled on September 16. Considering that there are enormous differences in the “ethical,” economic, and political standards of prisoners here, the large scale and collective nature of the rebellion came out of nowhere. Particularly important during the events was the immediate response from comrades who, upon hearing news of the uprising, came from Heraklion by motorcycle to hold a solidarity demonstration. All prisoners feel the need for that kind of support and solidarity activity, and we saluted the initiative together. During the rebellion, there was no prisoner committee to make decisions or play ringleader. An informal assembly was held immediately, which essentially handled discussions with legal authorities, and all the prisoners were present during negotiations. It’s worth emphasizing that the mutual respect among prisoners stood out as the fundamental element of the uprising, as we all realized the urgency of solving vital problems in a dignified way. Finally, it’s important to mention that Albanian prisoners also took part in the rebellion en masse, despite the predominance of blatant racism against them here, due to—like they say—“things that happened in the past.” And the racism continues to this day: They have a separate yard and their cells are in another wing.

To conclude this letter, I want to salute all those who are doing the right thing, putting aside political and personal differences to support all political prisoners and prisoners in struggle. There’s a pressing need to understand that such nastiness is inappropriate, since we’re all facing similar situations. Finally, I unequivocally declare that I will keep fighting from inside the dungeons of democracy—continuously, intransigently, and irrevocably, just like I did when I was on the outside.

UNTIL THE FINAL VICTORY, FOR THE DESTRUCTION OF EVERY PRISON

FREEDOM FOR THOSE INSIDE

Thodoris Delis
Alikarnassos Prison
October 4, 2010

Let me start by saying what is almost self-evident, namely that the formation of a solidarity fund for the economic support of comrades and also for people in struggle who find themselves in a state of captivity is very important. Firstly, because it seeks to cover a given need, that of the everyday survival inside the prison walls with conditions of dignity.

At the same time, however, because the creation of such a project states, in my opinion, that we perceive the imprisoned comrades as people in struggle, who are in the hands of the State for their subversive actions and positions, as an integral piece of the milieu to which they belong and which takes on the political initiative to support them and does not consider it an individual case to be carried out by friends and relatives, thus consolidating in practice the concept of camaraderie and solidarity. Obviously at this point I am not referring to any moral obligation or employing some kind of emotional blackmail, but to a practice based on political coherence and consciousness.

In a period where the attack from the side of dominion against the anarchist-antiauthoritarian milieu, as well as against every resisting part of society, has been intensified for obvious reasons, the creation of a fund for economic support acts as a means of defense and, at the same time, of counter-attack, constituting another answer in collective terms and in the terms of self-organization, to the conditions of isolation and atomization that the discourse of authority seeks to put in place and impose on every aspect of our lives.

Although this procedure concerns the formation of a fund and does not claim for itself any exclusivity as to the expression of solidarity, as I was informed in the written briefing which was sent to all the imprisoned comrades, I hope this motion contributes to the bringing together of the a/a milieu, which has shown to have some obvious fissures lately. In acceptance of the differences in political references and positions within the a/a milieu, I continue to believe that those elements that bring us together are much more than those that keep as separate, (without of course wanting to show contempt for the strong questions posed at different times by comrades in relation to a vast variety of issues). Besides, and I consider this perfectly valid, the ultimate goal is not for each group, each collective, or each individual to be integrated into this procedure, on the contrary, other parallel projects of economic support can be created (with possibly different characteristics covering the needs of those participating in the project), which however could coordinate between them for the best possible outcome.

At any rate, as far as my opinion goes, when a milieu with subversive and radical proposals and emanicipatory projects does not attempt to process internally, issues that arise on the basis of solidarity, collective decision-making, and self-organization, in acceptance and by promoting multiform choices in regards to the means of the struggle, then how can it seek to project these externally?

Due to my own past participation in similar efforts, I know the difficulties that such projects face in enduring over time, but this is in the end the objective, for which I will also fight for on my part with all my strength from the position I find myself in, as I would have done if I was out there amongst the comrades.

At this point I would like to make a proposal, which I have already discussed in the past with comrades who usually expressed strong concerns and disagreements. However, I believe that the creation of an area for discussion on these issues is in itself something positive. So, I estimate that at events organized for the economic support of prisoners such as concerts or parties, which may also be organized by the fund, it could be possible to ask for a symbolic entrance fee of ie 2 or 3 euros, an amount that corresponds to 1 or 2 beers. And this because every such event has a clear political context and aim, which is the economic support of people in struggle. And since the most important component of the struggle is the level of consciousness of each person taking part in the struggle, for someone to go to such an event solely for entertainment and without caring for the reasons it is taking place shows a lack of political consciousness. I might be saying things here somehow bluntly, but I have experienced from up close the mentality that prevails at such type of events. This is a position I have expressed since years and of course not just now that I find myself in prison.

In regards to the economic support of other prisoners who adopt a position of dignity and struggle within prison, I believe they should be included in the fund, provided this has succeeded in reaching its initial economic targets. In relation to this, but also in order to convey and share with my comrades outside prison the everyday survival “inside”, for the past six months and still at this moment, I am “sharing a room” with three other people in the same cell.  Throughout the time of our coexistence, they have shown me that they face the difficult prison conditions with dignity. The money that each of us receives weekly is used to cover our needs in common (groceries, phone cards etc.). And this is because I consider that even in these conditions, even on the micro level of coexistence in a cell, solidarity and the refusal of distinction and the authoritarian relations this produces based on the possession of material goods (and not only)- even of those bare minimums like a phone card which however in specific circumstances is transformed into an object with massive power and of course with an exchange value- and the pursuit of equality, should be kept alive and remain an objective. As for the unrepentant fighters of the 17N revolutionary group for me their support should be self-evident, so this is the reason I don’t make a specific reference about them.

In conclusion and regarding to the need of comrades, as this was expressed by the July assembly, on all of us ‘within the walls” taking a position on the project, I would like to say that this is also a way for us to continue to participate in procedures taking place within the milieu thus overcoming the obstacle of our physical absence and creating one more communication channel, which I hope will continue over time.

Until the total destruction of prisons, a big thank you and comradely greetings to all the comrades who are taking care that we have dignified living conditions within the greek hellholes.

STRUGGLE BY ALL MEANS FOR THE SUBVERSION OF THE REGIME

STRUGGLE TO THE END FOR FREEDOM, REVOLUTION, ANARCHY

HONOUR FOR EVER TO THE ANARCHIST FIGHTER LAMBROS FOUNDAS

Christoforos Kortesis

24/09/2010

Korinthos Prisons

On the 17^th of September 2010, Alexandros Kossivas, Mihalis Traikapis and Maria Εkonomou were arrested in Panorama of Evia Island. Lacking any incriminating evidence, the authorities based their accusations on the vague and fabricated testimonies given by local residents, which refer to a similarity in the appearance of the accused to the perpetrators. All three refused the accusations and are known to the authorities due to their active participation in social struggles. This was sufficient for A. Kossivas and M. Traikapis to be placed in remand, while M. Εkonomou was released awaiting trial. On May of 2011, Venos Polykretis was called by the investigator of Chalkida, as a defendant for the same court case. The comrade was accused, because he was recorded from the toll’s CCTV the day before the robbery, with his other two comrades. The significant of the case is that the cops have not sent, as is required, the call at his house but deliberately concealed it.

On 28/07/2011, A. Kossivas (already in custody for the case of the robbery in Psachna) is informed by accident, that he’s been accused for a robbery which took place in March of 2010 at the National Bank of Schimatari. On August 2 Alexandros shows up at the investigator who informs him that, he has also called M. Economou as defendant for the same case. Neither A. Kossivas who is imprisoned in Korydallos prison, nor M. Economou who shows up once a month at the police station, received the calls in their hands. The concealment of the calls, clearly shows the intention of cops to create an aggravating/incriminating climate and in many cases may mean issuing arrest warrants. The categories for the robbery of Schimatari are based only on the testimonies of a snitch, who, in each of his three testimonies changes his own words and adds0 new contradictory evidence against the comrades.

The trial was set for 18/10/2011 in Chalkida, when it took a break because of the lawyers and judges strike for 26/10. On 26/10 was suspended for a second time due to strike of the lawyers for the 15^th of November.

Letter from the three accused of the robbery in Evia, central Greece